Connexions bascocatalanes: les impersonals de subjecte suprimit
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2024
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Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat
Institut Interuniversitari de Filologia Valenciana
Institut Interuniversitari de Filologia Valenciana
Resumen
En aquest article analitzarem les impersonals de subjecte suprimit (ang. subject-suppressing impersonals; Blevins 2003), és a dir, les construccions amb un subjecte implícit i indefinit. Aques- tes construccions han rebut el nom de impersonals en basc (Rodet 1992; Ortiz de Urbina 2003; Fernández & Berro 2021) i s’han designat oracions pronominals de subjecte inespecífic en català (Bartra 2002). En totes dues llengües, aquestes construccions impersonals han estat considerades intransitives, ja que, en comptes de dos arguments, només se n’explicita un (o cap). Com a exponent de la intransitivitat d’aquestes construccions, en basc es fa servir l’auxiliar intransitiu izan ‘ser’ en comptes del transitiu *edun ‘haver’. En català, per la seva banda, aquestes construccions presenten el clític pronominal es. En aquest article tractarem de mostrar que, en aquestes construccions, el subjecte suprimit és sintàcticament actiu en totes dues llengües i que, per tant, les construccions poden ser considerades tipològicament com a impersonals de subjecte suprimit (Blevins 2003)
In this paper we analyze subject-suppressing impersonals (Blevins 2003), that is, constructions that have an implicit and indefinite subject. This configuration has been called impersonal in Basque (Rodet 1992; Ortiz de Urbina 2003; Fernández & Berro 2021) and pronominal clauses with unspecific subject (cat. oracions pronominals de subjecte inespecífic) in Catalan (Bartra 2002). In both languages they have been considered intransitive, given that, instead of two, they consist of a single overt argument (or no argument at all in the case of intransitive verbs). Moreover, in Basque these constructions involve the auxiliary izan ‘be’ —instead of *edun ‘have’— and in Catalan the pronominal clitic es is added. In this paper we will show that the implicit subject of these constructions is syntactically active, and thus we argue that they should be considered typologically similar to those analyzed by Blevins (2003), i.e. impersonal constructions that involve a suppressed subject
In this paper we analyze subject-suppressing impersonals (Blevins 2003), that is, constructions that have an implicit and indefinite subject. This configuration has been called impersonal in Basque (Rodet 1992; Ortiz de Urbina 2003; Fernández & Berro 2021) and pronominal clauses with unspecific subject (cat. oracions pronominals de subjecte inespecífic) in Catalan (Bartra 2002). In both languages they have been considered intransitive, given that, instead of two, they consist of a single overt argument (or no argument at all in the case of intransitive verbs). Moreover, in Basque these constructions involve the auxiliary izan ‘be’ —instead of *edun ‘have’— and in Catalan the pronominal clitic es is added. In this paper we will show that the implicit subject of these constructions is syntactically active, and thus we argue that they should be considered typologically similar to those analyzed by Blevins (2003), i.e. impersonal constructions that involve a suppressed subject
Palabras clave
Impersonals
Impersonals de subjecte suprimit
Passives
Clític es
Basc
Català
Impersonals
Subject-suppressing impersonals
Passives
es clitic
Basque
Catalan
Impersonals de subjecte suprimit
Passives
Clític es
Basc
Català
Impersonals
Subject-suppressing impersonals
Passives
es clitic
Basque
Catalan
Descripción
Materias
Cita
Fernández Fernández, B., Berro Urrizelki, A., & Pérez Saldanya, M. (2024). Connexions bascocatalanes: les impersonals de subjecte suprimit. Caplletra: revista internacional de filología, 76, 93-117. https://doi.org/10.7203/CAPLLETRA.76.28209