Subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonalak: euskara, katalana eta gaztelania, gai beraren gaineko bariazioak
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2023
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Diputación Foral de Guipúzcoa = Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia
Resumen
Lan honetan subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonalak aztertu ditugu, alegia, subjektu in-plizitua eta zehaztugabea duten egiturak. Euskaraz zein katalanez, egitura horiek iragangaiztutzat hartu izan dira, aditz iragankorren kasuan argumentu bi gabe, bakarra ahoskatzen delako. Euska-raz, *edun aditz laguntzailearen ordez izan erabiltzen da, eta katalanaren kasuan ES klitikoa gai-neratzen da. Lan honetan erakusten dugu egitura hauetan subjektua sintaktikoki indarrean dagoela eta, hortaz, Blevinsen (2003) subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonaltzat hartu behar direla. Nolanahi ere, morfologiak bestela pentsatzera eramaten gaitu kasu batzuetan: katalanez zein gaztelaniaz, ES/SE-egituretako gai argumentuak subjektu baten modura jokatzen du batzuetan, aditz laguntzailearekin komunztadura egiten duelako eta klitikorik onartzen ez duelako.
In this paper we have analyzed subject-suppressing impersonals, namely, struc-tures with an implicit and indefinite subject. In Basque and Catalan, these structures have been considered detransitivized, given that, in transitive structures, a single argument is overtly realized instead of two. In Basque izan ‘be’ auxiliary is selected over *edun ‘have’ and in Catalan the ES clitic is introduced. In this paper we demonstrate that in these structures the subject is syn-tactically present and, therefore, these structures should be considered subject-suppressing im-personals as characterized by Blevins (2003). Nonetheless, morphology leads us to think differ-ently in some cases: both in Catalan and in Spanish the theme argument of ES/SE-structures sometimes behaves like a subject, as it agrees with the auxiliary verb and does not accept a clitic.
In this paper we have analyzed subject-suppressing impersonals, namely, struc-tures with an implicit and indefinite subject. In Basque and Catalan, these structures have been considered detransitivized, given that, in transitive structures, a single argument is overtly realized instead of two. In Basque izan ‘be’ auxiliary is selected over *edun ‘have’ and in Catalan the ES clitic is introduced. In this paper we demonstrate that in these structures the subject is syn-tactically present and, therefore, these structures should be considered subject-suppressing im-personals as characterized by Blevins (2003). Nonetheless, morphology leads us to think differ-ently in some cases: both in Catalan and in Spanish the theme argument of ES/SE-structures sometimes behaves like a subject, as it agrees with the auxiliary verb and does not accept a clitic.
Palabras clave
Inpertsonala
Subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonala
Pasiboa
ES/SE klitikoa
Euskara
Katalana
Gaztelania
Impersonals
Subject-suppressing impersonals
Passive
the ES/SE clitic
Basque
Catalan
Spanish
Subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonala
Pasiboa
ES/SE klitikoa
Euskara
Katalana
Gaztelania
Impersonals
Subject-suppressing impersonals
Passive
the ES/SE clitic
Basque
Catalan
Spanish
Descripción
Materias
Cita
Fernández Fernández, B., Berro Urrizelki, A., Pérez Saldanya, M., & Ortiz de Urbina, J. (2023). Subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonalak: euskara, katalana eta gaztelania, gai beraren gaineko bariazioak. Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca Julio de Urquijo: International journal of basque linguistics and philology, 57(1), 313-342